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Thursday, August 30, 2012

I Respond to Terry Ryan

Today, Terry Ryan took a shot at me. Again.

This time it was over my column that ran this week on Diane Ravitch's blog about the Cleveland Plan. I felt compelled to respond to his claims because, frankly, it was a personal attack against me -- something which I have never done to him. In fact, I have gone out of my way to talk about how much I respect Terry's commitment to education and have tried to open dialogue with him and others on all sort of topics. He knows I'm a reasonable partner on education.

Here's what he said of my support for Charter Schools in 2010:

"In Cleveland, the school district has embraced charter schools as part of its academic transformation plan. Rep. Stephen Dyer (D-Green), who shepherded the education budget through the House last year, has relaxed his language around charters, acknowledging in recent hearings that for-profit operators per se aren't bad."

That's what makes his column so deeply disappointing.

Terry takes great pains to discredit what I said in Dr. Ravitch's blog by arguing that I lost an election in 2010 (conveniently leaving out the fact that I won twice in a district that had been held by a member of the opposite party for about a dozen years), like that has anything to do with the price of tea in China. Terry is more than willing to knock those in public service, yet doesn't have the courage to put his name and ideas before the public as a candidate. When he does, perhaps we'll see how popular his ideas are. Until then, he should refrain from knocking those who do put their names and ideas before voters.

He can speak to me about losing elections when his 5-year-old is followed to school and has to watch a huge rolling billboard denouncing his Dad (funded by My School, My Choice, a K-12, Inc. operation) drive by during his kindergarten Trick or Treat trail. Then when he has to console that 5-year-old after he becomes afraid of walking outside because he doesn't want to see people who "want to hurt Dad," he will earn the right to make fun of my election loss.

He also spends much of his column discrediting me by knocking the Evidence Based Model -- the strongest criticism of which he offers is this: the promises made were not followed through. He, of course, neglects to mention that because I lost, I was not given the ability to follow through on it, and my successors made clear it was they who would not follow through.

He always ignores that one of the the nation's top bipartisan Education Policy groups, the Education Commission of the States, found that the EBM and the reforms that followed it in House Bill 1 from 2009 received the 2010 Frank Newman Award for the nation's most "bold, courageous, nonpartisan" education reform of 2009. I emphasize non-partisan because while Terry trumpets the bipartisan nature of the Cleveland Plan, he conveniently forgets that the EBM was also a bipartisan measure, with Republicans in both the House and Senate voting for it in HB 1. In fact, I know that some stomached voting for HB 1 because of the EBM, for they told me so. He tries to paint me as a partisan hack, yet refuses to acknowledge these (and other) inconvenient truths. In fact, I received significant campaign contributions in 2010 from the same Cleveland Charter School folks he now holds up as paragons of excellence.

He also knows that it was a bipartisan School Funding Advisory Council that unanimously upheld the direction the EBM was headed by making recommendations to improve it. Even Michael Dawson -- one of Gov. John Kasich's top advisors -- voted for the recommendations, which increased the cost of the EBM.

Then he spends time critiquing me for never saying where the money was coming from. In fact, I was one of the EBM proponents who clearly stated throughout the discussion where it was coming from -- I would have increased the portion of the state budget going to education by a little more than 1% each year of the 10-year phase in. I even had legislation drafted that would have committed the state to doing this. It has always been my contention that the state needs to re-prioritize education in the budget. Terry knows I've said this again and again. He's heard me say it again and again. Yet he acts like I refused to do so.

Terry also neglects to mention that I did not spend time trashing the Cleveland Plan in my blog -- I spent time criticizing and praising the plan, especially around its early education provisions and non-financial Charter provisions. That would seem to be a much more fair and balanced assessment of the plan than Terry's effusive genuflecting over it. Really, Terry, there aren't any issues with it? And I argued that the levy should pass because if it doesn't, Cleveland's in real trouble.

As for his claim that my budget cut figures are misleading, I don't know how to do this but to use the actual numbers. According to the Ohio Department of Education, in the 09-10 budget, Cleveland received $84 million more than they did in the 11-12 biennium. The 15-mill levy is set to raise $77 million. Included in those losses were state cuts to reimbursements for losses in public utility and tangible personal property taxes, as well as the state's decision to not make good on replacing State Fiscal Stabilization Funds.

That number does NOT include (as Terry and his friends frequently assert), the loss in Title I and IDEA stimulus dollars. I include SFSF because that part of the ARRA was meant to replace anticipated revenue losses from the recession. The expectation was once the economy started coming back, that SFSF money would be replaced. In fact, the current leadership group in Columbus has used the SFSF as an excuse to summarily cut that amount out of the budget, claiming it was pure stimulus, not what it really was -- a bridge to better times. It was never intended to give states an excuse to simply cut budgets by billions two years later, as this state has chosen to do.

He then uses a hugely misleading number -- $1.4 billion -- to say that this is the real amount we should be looking at when looking at per pupil cost in Cleveland. Yet included in that figure is the $117 million Cleveland never spent because it went to Charter Schools, and the $12 million it lost to Vouchers, and the $1 million it lost to Open Enrollment and other adjustments. He ignores that the federal money he includes in there is very prescriptive and non-discretionary, which gives CMSD very few options about how to spend it. Through the state Bridge Payment Report, at the end of the day, CMSD received a net $289 million from the state last year to fund 41,000 kids (according to ODE). That's about $7,100 per pupil from the state. Charters got about $7,300 per pupil from the state.

The reason I harp on state money, not total money, Terry (and fellow critics) is because it's the state, not the local residents, which bears the Constitutional duty to fund education. Our local taxpayers have been overly responsible for this cost for too long.

This brings me to my biggest disappointment in Terry, policy wise: He never has really stood up for the principle that it is the state, not locals, who bear the school funding responsibility, as it is stated in the Ohio Constitution. Instead, he argues that either we're spending too much, or that cuts don't matter, or something else. He has never fought for more state share of education. He is perfectly willing to argue that when you pay for a Chevy, you should be furious if you don't get a Cadillac.

He wants to give up on failing schools, never says publicly that it's a problem that Ohio's Charter School funding system cuts all other students' per pupil state funding by 6.5%, and ignores that basing everything on a test score has inherent methodological problems or biases.

He simply dumps on teachers, blames unions and promotes ideas that have little evidence suggesting that they will have a positive impact on students.

Then when someone suggests there may be a better way, or other ideas might help bolster his, he attacks them personally over issues that have nothing to do with the suggestions -- some of which he actually supports. He just sits back and takes shots at people who are willing to put themselves in the public eye and gives solutions that bear little resemblance to what peer-reviewed, objective research has most strongly demonstrated actually improves education.

I have been more than willing to give Terry credit for his occasional brave stances. His column today is a sad, disappointing roll in the gutter for someone I respected.

Tuesday, August 28, 2012

New Voucher. Same Results.

The Cincinnati Enquirer had an interesting story today about the Jon Peterson voucher program.

I should say right up from that I served in the Ohio House with Jon Peterson and know the genuine passion and compassion he feels for children with special needs. I deeply respect his commitment to this issue.

The voucher is geared toward special education children and is not means tested. It provides up to $20,000 for a student to attend a private school. That money, by the way, comes out of the state aid meant for the child's district of residence.

The bill was introduced twice during my time in the House, and my argument was that it earmarked up to 1/3 of the state's special education money to serve 3% of the special needs children in this state. This, of course, left 97% of the state's special needs children with 2/3 of the money.

In addition, as has happened with Ohio's other voucher programs, I was always concerned that the money would not go to children in public school who needed help finding better services in the private sector, but would go instead to children already in private schools, providing a public subsidy for private education. When that happens, it means public schools lose money for a child they never had, which is clearly NOT money following the child, as many reformers like to call it.

In the Enquirer story, it reports that only 15 of the 199 Cincinnati students receiving Peterson money are students who were transferring from the public to the private schools, which means nearly 93% of the students are already in private schools.

Cincinnati Public Schools estimates the loss of revenue at $1.25 to $2 million per year. That means CPS will be losing $1.15 million to $1.85 million a year to subsidize children who are not currently in CPS (92.5% of the total). Add this to the fact that Cincinnati students lose 25% of their per pupil state aid to Charter School payments, and you start to understand why the financing of Ohio's voucher and Charter systems need such serious reform.

The debate around vouchers and Charter Schools in Ohio has been so focused on the parents and children who go to the Charter School that we too easily forget that when the children and money leave the public school district, the children remaining in the pubic school district have significantly fewer resources with which to succeed.

We need more stories and studies looking at that phenomenon. After all, Vouchers and Charters only make up about 7% of the state's student population. Ninety-three percent of our state's student population and their parents are left to deal with the financial fallout of these decisions. And they do so with scant little attention. Perhaps there should be more directed their way.

Monday, August 27, 2012

Ravitch Guest Blog

Today, I had the distinct honor of guest blogging on Diane Ravitch's blog. The piece was about the Cleveland Plan and should have a familiar theme for 10th Period readers. I would like to thank Dr. Ravitch for the honor of paricipating in her work.

Dr. Ravitch has become quite a lightning rod in the school reform movement, but however one feels about her views, the respect she has earned from her decades of great scholarship and dedication to make education work for all kids cannot be disputed.

It was an honor to be a part of her work today -- one of the true giants in education policy.

Very humbling.

Thursday, August 23, 2012

What Reforms Withstand Scientific Rigor?

As the State of Ohio addresses the School Funding issue (again) in next year's budget, or at least that's the promise as of now, it's important that we look to what reforms survive the toughest scientific scrutiny. Which reforms can we say with the greatest confidence make a difference in children's education? There are only four, and the reforms look unlike what has been talked about for the last year or so in Ohio.

One reform you'll notice that's missing is a Third-Grade Retention Guarantee, which has been trumpeted in Ohio by the state's governor and others. Here's the list, according to the Institute for Education Sciences -- a subdivision of the National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance.

Thanks to Leonie Haimson (@leoniehaimson) for tipping me off to this on Twitter today.
 
 
  • "One-on-one tutoring by qualified tutors for at-risk readers in grades 1-3 (the average tutored student reads more proficiently than approximately 75% of the untutored students in the control group).1
  • Life-Skills Training for junior high students (low-cost, replicable program reduces smoking by 20% and serious levels of substance abuse by about 30% by the end of high school, compared to the control group).2
  • Reducing class size in grades K-3 (the average student in small classes scores higher on the Stanford Achievement Test in reading/math than about 60% of students in regular-sized classes).3
  • Instruction for early readers in phonemic awareness and phonics (the average student in these interventions reads more proficiently than approximately 70% of students in the control group).4"
The IES report (written in 2003) also pointed out that high-quality pre-school showed preliminary effectiveness. It has since been shown to be highly effective. 

Last night in Akron, I attended the last hearing that the Ohio House of Representatives is holding on the School Funding issue until, likely, after the election, if not next year. The members heard from many folks talking about their programs' success. As we move forward over the next year, remember these five reforms are the ones we are most sure will positively impact children's education.

They, and other truly rigorously studied reforms, must form the heart of whatever come down from the state. Ohio doesn't have the money (nor the will to find additional money, apparently) to do everything. So let's say we fund things that we have the best idea will actually help kids.

Less rhetoric, more science.